To what extent did the weimar

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To what extent did the weimar

Who voted for the Nazis? The latest research into the voting patterns of the German people in the crucial years that brought Hitler to power Between andthe National Socialist German Workers Party NSDAP became the most popular of Germany's many political organisations.

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It had won no more than 2. The Reichstag election of July saw even more spectacular success: This story of electoral success certainly forms the background to Hitler's appointment as Chancellor in However, even at the peak of the NSDAP's popularity before this moment, almost 63 per cent of the German electorate did not vote for the Nazis.

What is more, in Novemberthe Nazi Party actually lost 2 million votes.

To what extent did the weimar

This means that Hitler was not directly voted in to power; for in the Weimar system of absolute proportional representation, 37 per cent of the vote in July gave the Nazis nothing like a majority in the Reichstag. In the Catholic Rhineland and Bavaria apart from Protestant Franconia it polled disproportionately badly.

In fact in July the Nazi share of the vote was almost twice as high in Protestant as in Catholic areas.

To what extent did the weimar

The inability, of Nazis to attract the Catholic vote was demonstrated by the stable support for the Catholic Centre Party, which regularly gained between In some places, of course, the NSDAP mobilised Catholic voters on a significant scale, as happened in Breslau and Liegnitz towns in Silesia where conflicts between Germans and Poles coloured political identityin the Catholic rural areas of the Palatinate, and among some Catholics in the Black Forest; but these cases were atypical.

Surprisingly, the first electoral breakthroughs enjoyed by the Nazis came in Protestant rural areas, such as Schleswig-Holstein and Lower Saxony, where peasant voters had earlier registered discontent with their traditional representatives from the DNVP German National People's Party or Nationalists.

In fact this was more than a little ironical, as Nazi propaganda had initially targeted urban workers, and the Nazi agrarian programme developed in was only in response to the expansion of support in these areas.

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Subsequently the constituencies with the highest proportion of Nazi voters were in Protestant farming communities; and by the stream of peasant deserters to Hitler's party had become a torrent. Indeed, the scale of agrarian support for the party in that election suggests the Nazis were able not only to win the support of peasants and rural labourers but also that of some large landowners.

Voters in large urban centres were less susceptible to Nazi electoral propaganda. Though there had been a significant increase in support among German workers between andthis was less marked in the larger cities; and nearly half the working-class newcomers to the party ranks between and came from villages of under 5, inhabitants.

And proportionally few of the working-class storm-troopers of the SA came from the big cities. In part this pattern reflects the point that Hitler and his followers were able to build support in small provincial towns and rural areas more effectively than in the large cities precisely because political mobilisation was less developed in the provinces and the countryside.

For many years the Nazi movement was seen as a political response of the German Mittelstand lower middle class of small businessmen, independent artisans, small shopkeepers and the self-employed, to the threats coming from big business and large retail stores, from the trade unions, the SPD and the KPD, and from increased government interference and taxes to pay for Weimar's burgeoning welfare state.

In many respects it was such a response -- in its combination of anti-socialist and anti-big business rhetoric, and in its social support. The lower middle class of Germany's Protestant towns did constitute the hard-core of Nazi support and were over-represented in the membership of the NSDAP.

If there is little dispute about the politics of Germany's so-called old Mittelstand, there is rather more about the political identity of the new Mittelstand white-collar workers.

It was once thought that this group roughly 20 per cent of the German labour force shared the status anxieties of its older counterpart and their Nazi politics; but there is only limited evidence to support this contention and the voting behaviour of white-collar workers was tar from uniform, with civil servants more likely to register higher levels of support for Hitler than their counterparts within the private sector.

There were divisions even within that sector, as sales assistants and supervisory, rather than technical staff were more likely to vote Nazi, while white-collar workers from manual backgrounds and those who lived in the working-class districts of large cities often gave their votes to the SPD.

The National Socialists also won the backing of significant numbers of Protestants from both the upper middle class and the manual working class. There is considerable evidence, for example, of Nazi voting on the part of Protestants living in some of the wealthiest districts of Hamburg and Berlin.

The Constitution of the Weimar Republic

This, together with the voting returns from upper-class holiday resorts and even cruise liners, indicates that sections of the upper middle class also voted for Hitler at the height of the economic and political crisis of ; such support had been withheld earlier, and party membership among this group still remained a rarity.

Considerable attention has been devoted to the appeal of Nazism to many in the professions such as doctors and engineers, as well as civil servants, leading some to claim that anti-modernism provides the key to Hitler's triumph.

A vast literature has also been devoted to the relationship between the Nazis and big business. It is fairly clear that big business was less likely to support the NSDAP than small business; that the party allegiances of individual industrialists varied; and that Fritz Thyssen's membership of and donations to the Nazi Party were a typical of the business community as a whole.

The Nazi Party was largely self-financing, and industrial money was most likely to find its way into the coffers of the DNVP and DVP, though some concerns such as Flick did spread their donations over virtually all bourgeois parties, including the NSDAP, as a kind of political insurance.

Of course, industry was not hostile to welfare taxation and the power of the unions, which it saw as the essence of Weimar; and by many industrialists wanted to be rid of the Republic. Most, however, would have preferred a solution that excluded the Nazis.

More contentious has been the relationship between workers and the Nazi Party. Recent research has revised the impression of working-class immunity to Nazism: Around 40 per cent of members of the Party seem to have been of working-class origins; similarly 40 per cent of the Nazi vote came from workers and one worker in every four voted for Hitler in July The Collapse of the Weimar Republic: Political Economy and Crisis [David Abraham] on regardbouddhiste.com *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers.

Analysing the conflicts within and between organised industrial and agricultural forces in Germany as well as those between capital and labour.

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