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Moreover, he had great intellectual influence upon the politics of Imperial Germany, especially with Staten som livsform ; The State as a Life-form an earlier political-science book read by the society of Imperial Germany, for whom the concept of geopolitik acquired an ideological definition unlike the original, human-geography definition.
That vanquishing the Slavic and the Latin races was necessary, because "without war, inferior or decaying races would easily choke the growth of healthy, budding elements" of the German race—thus, the war for Lebensraum was a necessary means of defending Germany against cultural stagnation and business plan zum verlieben deutschland racial degeneracy of miscegenation.
The politician Adolf Hitler said that the National Socialist Nazi geopolitics of "inevitable expansion" would reverse overpopulation, provide natural resources, and uphold German national honor. The Nazi usages of the term Lebensraum were explicitly racist, to justify the mystical right of the "racially superior" Germanic peoples Herrenvolk to fulfil their cultural destiny at the expense of "racially inferior" peoples Untermenschensuch as the Slavs of Poland, Russia, Ukraine, and the other non—Germanic peoples of " the East ".
Lebensraum would be realised by way of ethnic cleansingthe forcible removal of the native Slavic and Jewish populations, and the subsequent repopulation of the border strip with ethnic-German colonists; likewise, the colonisations of Lithuania and Ukraine; yet military over-extension lost the war for Imperial Germany, and the Septemberprogramm went unrealised.
In Marchin effort to reform and modernise the Russian Empire — into a soviet republicthe Bolshevik government agreed to the strategically onerous, territorial cessions stipulated in the Treaty of Brest-Litovskand Russia yielded to Germany much of the arable land of European Russiathe Baltic governoratesBelarusUkraineand the Caucasus region.
As a casus belli for the business plan zum verlieben deutschland and colonisation of Polish territories as living-space and defensive-border for the Imperial German Reichthe Septemberprogramm derived from a foreign policy initially proposed by General Erich Ludendorffin At the moment of the November ceasefire in the West, newspaper maps of the military situation showed German troops in Finland, holding a line from the Finnish fjords near Narvadown through Pskov — Orsha — Mogilev and the area south of Kurskto the Don east of Rostov.
Germany had thus secured Ukraine. The Russian recognition of Ukraine's separation, exacted at Brest—Litovsk, represented the key element in German efforts to keep Russia perpetually subservient.
In addition, German troops held the Crimeaand were stationed, in smaller numbers, in Transcaucasia. Even the unoccupied "rump" Russia appeared—with the conclusion of the German—Soviet Supplementary Treaty, on 28 August —to be in firm, though indirect, dependency on the Reich.
Thus, Hitler's long-range aim, fixed in the s, of erecting a German Eastern Imperium on the ruins of the Soviet Union was not simply a vision emanating from an abstract wish. In the Eastern sphere, established inthis goal had a concrete point of departure.
The German Eastern Imperium had already been—if only for a short time—a reality. Germany and the Two World Wars  In the event, the Septemberprogramm documents "Lebensraum in the East" as philosophically integral to Germanic culture throughout the history of Germany; and that Lebensraum is not a racialist philosophy particular to the 20th century.
It is equally obvious that Lebensraum always appeared as one element in these blueprints. This was not an original idea of Hitler's. It was commonplace at the time. For that matter, plans for acquiring new territory were much aired in Germany during the First World War.
It used to be thought that these were the plans of a few crack-pot theorisers or of extremist organisations. Now we know better. Ina German professor [Fritz Fischer] reported the results of his investigations into German war aims. These were indeed a "blueprint for aggression", or, as the professor called them, "a grasp at world power": Belgium under German control, the French iron-fields annexed to Germany, and, what is more, Poland and Ukraine to be cleared of their inhabitants and resettled with Germans.
These plans were not merely the work of the German General Staff. Taylor, The Origins of the Second World War  Interwar propaganda[ edit ] In the national politics of the Weimar Republic —33the German Eugenicists took up the nationalist, political slogan of Volk ohne Raum, and matched it with the racial slogan Volk ohne Jugend a People without Youtha cultural proposition that ignored the declining German birth-rate since the s and contradicted the popular belief that the "German race" was a vigorous and growing people.
Despite each slogan political and racial being contradicted by the reality of such demographic facts, the nationalists' demands for Lebensraum proved to be ideologically valid politics in Weimar Germany.
Studies of the homeland focused on the lost colonies after the rebirth of sovereign Poland which was ratified by the Treaty of Versailles Volk ohne Raumas well as the "eternal Jewish threat" Der ewige Jude, Emphasis was put on the need for rearmament and the pseudoscience of superior races in the pursuit of " blood and soil ".
The Nazis, led by Adolf Hitler, demanded not only the geographic reversion of Germany's post-war borders to recuperate territory lost per the Treaty of Versaillesbut demanded the German conquest and colonisation of Eastern Europe whether or not those lands were German before Increase [of] our peasant population is the only effective defense against the influx of the Slav working-class masses from the East.
As six hundred years ago, the German peasant's destiny must be to preserve and increase the German people's patrimony in their holy mother earth battle against the Slav race.
In Mein KampfHitler dedicated a full chapter titled "Eastern Orientation or Eastern Policy", outlining the need for the new 'living space' for Germany. He claimed that achieving Lebensraum required political will, and that the National Socialist Movement ought to strive to expand population area for the German people, and acquire new sources of food as well.
Hitler rejected the restoration of the pre-war borders of Germany as an inadequate half-measure towards reducing purported national overpopulation.
And so, we National Socialists consciously draw a line beneath the foreign policy tendency of our pre—War period. We take up where we broke off six hundred years ago.
We stop the endless German movement to the south and west, and turn our gaze toward the land in the East. At long last, we break off the colonial and commercial policy of the pre—War period and shift to the soil policy of the future.
To further German population growth, Hitler rejected the ideas of birth control and emigration, arguing that such practices weakened the people and culture of Germany, and that military conquest was the only means for obtaining Lebensraum: The National Socialist Movement, on the contrary, will always let its foreign policy be determined by the necessity to secure the space necessary to the life of our Folk.
It knows no Germanising or Teutonisingas in the case of the national bourgeoisiebut only the spread of its own Folk. It will never see in the subjugated, so called Germanised, Czechs or Poles a national, let alone Folkish, strengthening, but only the racial weakening of our Folk.EDITORIAL PLAN FOR THE JANUARY/FEBRUARY ISSUE An even bigger and better readership.
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From the strategic perspectives of the Stufenplan ("Plan in Stages"), the global- and continental- interpretations of Nazi Lebensraum are feasible, and neither exclusive of each other, nor counter to Hitler's foreign-policy goals for Germany.